Showing posts with label Basho style. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Basho style. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 21, 2016

To the Lighthouse: Keijo Style, Fusion of Scene and Emotion

                                                                                                  old man in the wind ...
                                                                                                  a clothesline blue shirt
                                                                                                  hugging itself

Poetry conveys emotion by presenting the thing; things prize precision, emotion prizes reticence.
-- Wei Tai, Remarks on Poetry from the Hermitage that Overlooks the Han

The dominant style of haikai in the Genroku period was the keiki (landscape) style, which "focused on the scenic presentation of the external world, especially nature and the countryside" (Haruo Shirane, Traces of Dreams:Landscape, Cultural Memory, and the Poetry of Basho, p. 76). This landscape style represented a return to a style of classical linked verse that focused on "things as they appear" (ibid.). One characteristic of the landscape style, particularly in Basho's haikai, was that "it often infused the external landscape (kei) with human emotion or sentiment (jo) -- a fusion influenced both by the medieval waka tradition and by the Chinese poetry that came into fashion in the 1680s" (ibid.).In Remarks on Poetry from the Hermitage that Overlooks the Han, the 11th century Chinese poet 魏泰 (Wei Tai) wrote, "詩者述事以寄情; 事貴詳, 情貴隱(Poetry conveys emotion by presenting the thing; things prize precision, emotion prizes reticence)". In Haikai Juron (Haikai Ten Discussions), Bsho's late disciple Shiko developed this notion of keijo, fusion of scene (kei) and emotion (jo), into one of the central tenets of the Basho style, using the famous frog haiku, written in 1686, as an example:

old pond ...
a frog jumps in
the sound of water

"Truly, when it comes to what is called contemporary haikai, one sees the image [sugata] of the frog in the old pond. Although it appears that the poem possesses absolutely no emotion[jo], but Basho has managed to suggest the emotion [fuzei] of quiet loneliness [sabishisa]. This is what is called the overtones [yosei] of poetry... Sugata is an image that suggests emotion without stating it...In the poetry of present, one sees sugata with one's eyes and leaves the emotions outside the words" (ibid., p. 77) (For further discussion of Basho's frog haiku, see Poetic Musings: Generic Analysis of Basho’s Frog Haiku)

Selected Haiku:

Empty baseball field --
A robin,
Hops along the bench

Jack Kerouac

cold floor ...
stepping barefoot
on broken moonlight

Judt Shrode

face to face
with the wailing wall ...
an empty bench

Rita Odeh

damp morning
a gray yard
before the robin

Marion Clarke

acres of darkness
outside, inside
then a firefly

Angelee Deodhar

reading obituaries
the here and there
of fireflies

Ben Moeller-Gaa

low winter moon
just beyond the reach
of my chopsticks

Fay Aoyagi

harvest moon
the horizon between here
and hereafter

Lorin Ford

scattering his ashes          
the moon            
in bits and pieces

Sylvia Forges-Ryan

winter twilight
crossing the border
a child's shadow

Chen-ou Liu


Note:  Genroku period, in Japanese history, era from 1688 to 1704, characterized by a rapidly expanding commercial economy and the development of a vibrant urban culture centred in the cities of Kyōto, Ōsaka, and Edo (Tokyo). The growth of the cities was a natural outcome of a century of peaceful Tokugawa rule and its policies designed to concentrate samurai in castle towns. Whereas Edo became the administrative capital of the Tokugawa shogunate, Ōsaka served as the country’s commercial hub, and rich Ōsaka merchants generally were the ones who defined Genroku culture. Free of the rigid codes that restricted samurai, townsmen could spend their leisure in the pursuit of pleasure, while their profits created a cultural explosion... haiku poetry was perfected by Matsuo Bashō...The Genroku period set the standards for an urban culture that continued to flourish throughout the Tokugawa period... excepted from "Genroku Period," Encyclopædia Britannica

Sunday, March 2, 2014

A Poet's Roving Thoughts: The Narrow Road to the Interior by Basho

Below is excerpted from my essay, titled, "Make Haibun New through the Chinese Poetic Past: Basho's Transformation of Haikai Prose," which was first published in Simply Haiku, 8:1, Summer 2010, and reprinted in Haibun Today, 6:1, March 2012, and in which I give an in-depth analysis (structural and stylistic) of Basho's travel journal, The Narrow Road to the Interior:

....As Haruo Shirane demonstrates in his groundbreaking book Traces of Dreams: Landscape, Cultural Memory, and the Poetry of Basho, Basho believed that "the poet had to work along both axes: to work only in the present would result in poetry that was fleeting; to work just in the past, on the other hand, would be to fall out of touch with the fundamental nature of haikai, which was rooted in the everyday world."16 Viewed as a key figure who elevated haikai from an entertaining pastime to a respected poetic form, Basho had developed a set of related poetic ideals widely utilized by his disciples, fellow poets, and successive followers since the mid-1680s.17 These new ideals were their sincere efforts to deal with the fundamental paradox of the late-seventeenth-century haikai, one "which looked to the past for inspiration and authority and yet rejected it, which parodied the classical (and Chinese) tradition even as they sought to become part of it, and which paid homage to the 'ancients' and yet stressed newness."18

The haikai Basho envisioned was marked for its newness, for "both new perspectives and new sociolinguistic frontiers in contemporary Japan as well as in reconstructed versions of the Japanese and Chinese past."19 In what follows, I will discuss how Basho re-established and refined a mixed genre of verse and prose called haibun (haikai prose), which is exemplified, through his incorporation and recontextualization of the Chinese poetic past in his masterpiece, The Narrow Road to the Interior.

First of all, broadly speaking, haibun was developed before Basho and written in the form of short essays, prefaces or headnotes to hokku, such as Kigin's Mountain Well (1648). Its prose style resembled that of classical prose.20 In 1671, a well-known Teimon poet Yamaoka Genrin (1631-1672) published his experimental work of haibun, entitled Takaragura (The Treasure House), and in it, he "[emulated] Zhuangzi's gugen [(Chinese, yuyan)]21 by revealing beauty and virtue in ordinary household apparatus."22 His work was "highly metaphorical and allegorical,"23 it didn't have great influences on the way haikai poets at the time wrote their haibun.

It was not until shortly after Basho returned from his journey to Oku that he became more focused on developing a different style of prose, which was infused with a haikai spirit. Around 1690, in a letter to Kyorai, he named this new haikai prose haibun, which was characterized by the "prominent inclusion of haikai words (haigon), particularly a combination of vernacular Japanese (zokugo) and Chinese words (kango)."24 After the publication the first anthology of the new haibun, entitled Prose Collection of Japan, Basho was recognized as "the first to create such a model [for haikai prose] and breathe elegance and life in it."25

Secondly, as Haruo Shirane stresses, Basho's The Narrow Road to the Interior, "may best be understood as an attempt to reveal the different possibilities of haibun in the form of travel literature."26 A lot of commentators also point out that Basho's work is less a factual record of a travel journal account, where haiku commemorate real but isolated moments keenly perceived on the journey, than it is a highly related set of about fifty haibun structured to convey a specific literary effect.27

For example, Basho's travelling companion, Sora, recorded in his diary that on their visit to Nikko, they first visited the temples and shrine on the mountain and then rested at Hotoke Gozaemon's inn on their last night. Basho rearranged this series of events – resting first and visiting later – in separate Nikko haibun in order to dramatize their stay with Hotoke Gozaemon. In doing so, he was able to compare/contrast three schools of thought: 1. Shinto (the shrine and its history); 2. Confucian (Hotoke Gozaemon reminded Basho of one important passage from The Analects of Confucius); 3. Buddhist (describing in two passages Sora's religious preparations for the journey and their improvised Buddhist "summer purification retreat").28

Furthermore, it is "best considered a long prose poem, which gives vernacular and Chinese phrases the cadence and tonality of poetry."29 That is because many commentators observe that Basho's prose conveys poetic beauty through concise imagery, making the boundary between prose and verse disappear.30

Therefore, there is no general agreement on exactly where the haibun breaks occur. The majority of English translations do not indicate them. As a result, most readers will look upon The Narrow Road to the Interior as a travel journal infused with haiku.31 Nonetheless, the haibun is used to divide the text into subsections, indicating a "discrete passage which characteristically ends in one or more haiku."32 This is such a non-linear text, freely mixing prose with verse in a way as to demand a relational reading. Significant meaning of a work of this sort is embedded with the interaction of text and context.33

Thirdly, as is well known, Basho made use in his prose of the associative techniques utilized in haikai composition. "To create associations is to set up correspondence (taio) . . . that [novelist and literary essayist, Atsushi Mori,] sees as characterizing the work's movement and source of energy."34 He describes taio as "something akin to fields of tension and balance between all manner of concrete and abstract things: between words, phrases, or images, between motifs or themes, between human beings, ideas, places, poems, and most importantly between Basho's text, the Oku no Hosomichi itself, and other literary texts of the past . . . States of tension and balance are achieved and then broken against a background of newly formed balances."35 According to Mori, the balance Basho had in his mind was "balance as antithesis,"36 a notion that is more in line with the Chinese cosmological concept of yoking yin and yang and being transformed. In his The Narrow Road to the Interior, attentive readers can see Basho's constant employment of the interplay of opposites (yin and yang) that brings about transformation.

From a structuralist perspective, Mori claims that this law of change is embodied in the following four-part pattern as a structural principle at work in The Narrow Road to the Interior: First, there is a beginning (Japanese, ki ), and it is matched with an apt response (Japanese, sho); later, ki and sho, one after the other, are matched by transformation (Japanese, ten), the newly-formed element(s), and finally all three are matched by a ending (Japanese, ketsu).37 This ki-sho-ten-ketsu- structure mirrors that of Chinese short verse, jue ju. A jue ju is composed of four lines, with each line containing five or seven Chinese characters and carrying two or more parallels of content and phonetic tone. The structural function of each line is described as follows: line 1 sets the theme (Chinese, qi), line 2 develops the theme (Chinese, cheng) through expanding imagery and mood, line 3 transforms the theme (Chinese, zhuan) by comparing/contrasting with line 1, and line 4 resolves all into an ending (Chinese, he).

Mori argues that the ki-sho-ten-ketsu principle shapes Basho's work as follows: the ki part not only includes the opening passage but also extends to the Shirakawa Barrier crossing, the sho part is made up of the sections between the Shirakawa Barrier crossing and the visit with the painter Kaemon in Sendai, the ten part includes the sections describing the travelers' passage along a portion of the road from Sedai en route to the Tsubo no Ishibumi, and finally the ketsu part corresponds with the sections portraying the often hurried walk down the Echigo-Echizen road along the Japan Sea coast and into Ogaki.38 Mori's reading of Basho's work is heavily dependent on his conception of taio, and in his view, the most numerous correspondences are those between verses: between waka and Chinese verses, for instance, of the type discussed in the Kurobane passage or between two hokku in the same, or in contiguous, or in widely separate haibun."39

Fourthly, in terms of writing style, The Narrow Road to the Interior is characterized by a "highly elliptical, rhythmic, Chinese style of parallel words (tsuigo) and parallel phrases (tsuiku)."40 Unlike classical Japanese prose which was based on an alternating 5/7 syllabic rhythm, Basho's haibun was accorded with "Chinese prose models, particularly Six Dynasties parallel prose (p'ien-wen) – which used four- and six-word parallel phrases, emphasized verbal parallelism, and stressed tonal euphony and allusion – and the Ancient Style (ku-wen), which emerged in the Tang period in reaction to the p'ien-wen style and which often generated a rhythm based on the four-character line."41

Chinese parallel prose is marked for its parallel phrases, tending toward rhyming and frequent allusion. Part of the reason is because of the monosyllabic structure of its language "represented by discrete symbols of uniform size and vocally expressed through a phonological structure capable of sophisticated rhyming."42 Due to linguistic differences, literary Japanese is not disposed to tonal parallelism. However, a kind of parallelism, such as syntactical and semantic ones, is possible through stressing paired words or phrases, parallel syntax, parallels of content or theme.

Take the passage on the Tsubo Stone Inscription for example:

    Mountains disappear, rivers flow,
    roads change;
    rocks are buried, hidden in dirt,
    trees age, saplings replace them;
    the virtues of travel
    the joys of existence
    forgetting the labors of travel
    I shed only tears.43

The skillful use of parallel syntax and contrastive words – such as mountain and river, rock and tree, and travel and life – generates a "folksong type of rhythm and a Chinese poetic pattern."44

This renewed haibun style was widely adopted by haibun writers, such as Yokoi Yayu, one of the most famous literary triad in the second half of the eighteenth century, an era praised for the revival of haiku and haibun.45 From the open line of the haibun on tobacco in Yayu's well-known haibun collection entitled Uzuragoromo, we can see a striking example of syntactical parallelism:

    You may get drowsy journeying along a road at night,
    but you cannot dangle a teapot from your waist to refresh yourself.
    You may awake forlorn one autumn day,
    but you cannot feed yourself when you cannot reach the rice-cakes on the shelf.46

This passage is almost immediately followed by,

    It may well be that Tsai Yu looked for a firebrand in the kitchen stove
    so that he might light up after his afternoon nap,
    and that Kojiju craned her neck toward the lamp to light her tobacco
    as she waited through the night for her love.47

In addition to syntactical parallelism, an attentive reader can notice a semantic parallel: "'stove' in the first line is complemented by 'lamp' in the second, and '(day) nap's eye-opener' by 'nightwaiting.'"48

Besides parallelism, the frequent use of allusion is prominent in Chinese parallel prose; it can also be found in The Narrow Road to the Interior. As Shirane demonstrates in Traces of Dreams, Basho's prose and poetry is highly allusive.49 For example, the opening passage is the most important section of the work that determines the theme, tone, movement, and goals.50 It also describes multiple departures – "the hermit-poet's philosophical departure from a particular way of life and his actual physical departure from the hermitage, a symbol of life he abandons"51 – and it is a haibun written in a Li-esque style. In his book, Mori discusses the complexity and richness of Basho's allusion to Li Po's poem and his skilful use of parallelism.52

There has been a steady stream of collections of essays by major Japanese scholars on Basho's relationships to earlier literary traditions. Jiro Hirota's multiple studies on Basho and his Chinese and Japanese classical connections since 1968 began a new era of Basho scholarship. He first researched on Chinese Taoist, then Neo-Confucian and later Buddhist influences.53 Beacuse he "examines the primary and secondary sources to which Basho could have had access (popular poetic handbooks, collections, and commentaries, for instance) and documents possible Japanese and Chinese sources in each of the genres in which Basho and his disciples worked . . . his studies have become, among other things, one of the most reliable sources (reference works, really) on the process by which Basho mixed a variety of languages."54

Finally, in addition to modelling on Chinese parallel prose, Basho adopted his haikai approach to the Chinese fu, a dominant genre of Han Dynasty literature.55 It was a kind of rhymed prose poetry based on the ornate and extravagant style of Chu ci (Chu lyrics). The prose provides the necessary exposition written in the form of questions and answers for exploration of an object or natural phenomenon, and the verse its rhapsodic language. It employs complex rhyme patterns and balanced parallel phrases. Take one of Basho's haibun on Matsushima for example:

    Well, it has been said many times, but Matsushima is the most beautiful place in all of Japan. First of all, it can hold its head up to Tung-t'ing Lake or West Lake. Letting in the sea from the southeast, it fills the bay, three leagues wide, with the tide of Che-chiang. Matsushima has gathered countless islands: the high islands point their fingers to heaven, those lying down crawl over the waves. Some are piled two deep, some three deep. To the left, the islands are separated from each other, but to the right they are linked. Some islands seem to be carrying islands on their backs, others to be embracing them, like someone caressing a child. The green of the pine is dark and dense, the branches and leaves bent by the salty sea breeze – it seems as if the branches have been deliberately twisted. The landscape creates a tranquil, soft feeling, like a beautiful lady powdering her face. Did the god of the mountain create this long ago, in the age of the gods? Is this the work of the Creator? What words could a human being use to describe this?56

The language of the passage above is highly figurative and allusive. In the opening lines, Basho tried to elevate the beauty of Matsushima to an iconic status through comparison with and allusion to one of the Great Four Lakes of China, Tung-t'ing Lake, and the famous tidal bore on the Chien-tang River in Che-chiang province, two iconic scenes portrayed by numerous classical Chinese poems. Later, he employed the parallel, contrastive phrases – such as the high islands point their fingers to heaven, those lying down crawl over the waves – that resemble "the couplet structure of the Chinese fu while possessing haikai humor."57 At the end of the passage, he stirred emotions about and reflection upon the status of Matsushima in the reader through a series of heartfelt questions, which is another technique utilized in the Chinese fu. In the classical Japanese poetic tradition, Matsushima was used to be associated with hovels, beach shelters, boats of the fisherfolk, and Ojima island,58 and it was now transformed into the most beautiful place in Japan through Basho's fu-esque haibun. The same techniques were also utilized in his description of Kisagata, a "notable example of Chinese-Japanese hybrid style, interweaving Chinese, fu-esque motifs with classical Japanese prose."59

In The Narrow Road to the Interior, Basho explored a variety of prose styles by combining conventions of classical Japanese travel literature with Chinese prose models infused with socio-historic-literary references, opening up the diverse possibilities of haibun composition. Unlike the majority of the haibun we have read in the English language haiku-related and haibun journals that place an unbalanced emphasis on the principles of shasei ("sketch from life") and the here-and-now, Basho's haibun are allusive, figurative, and infused with parallels phrases and contrastive words, all of which are used to enhance literary effects and add aesthetic-historical depth to the poems. In my view, maybe it is time for anyone who is interested in writing haibun to re-think Basho's poetic ideal of "the unchanging and the ever-changing" situated in one's own socio-historic-cultural contexts, and to make haibun anew through the poetic past of one's own literary legacy and shared ones from the rest of the world.

Monday, July 1, 2013

To the Lighthouse: Tentori (Point-Scoring) Haikai and Haikai Twist

In the narrow sense of the word, haikai, which gave birth to haiku, originally referred to the humorous poems found in the first imperially commissioned anthology of poetry. It was later used to describe popular comic linked verse (haikai no renga), distinguishing itself from the more refined, classical linked verse (renga). Broadly speaking, it is used to "describe genres deriving from haikai or reflecting haikai spirit, such as haiku, haibun, renku, and haikai kikobun, literary travel account."1 During the second half of the 17th century, there were innovative movements within Japanese haikai circles, and they had transformed haikai from an entertaining pastime to a respected poetic form.2 … Matsuo Basho made an enormous contribution to the refinement, success, and popularization of Japanese haiku and its related genres.3 (excerpted from my essay, "Make Haibun New through the Chinese Poetic Past: Basho's Transformation of Haikai Prose," which was first published in Simply Haiku, 8:1, Summer 2010 and then reprinted in Haibun Today, 6:1, March 2012)

Although literary historians have often talked about three successive major schools of haikai -- the Teimon, Danrin, and Shomon (the Basho school) – in the later half of the seventeenth century and “have identified the Genroku period (1688--1704) with the ‘Basho style’.” 12 However, recent studies have showed that even at the summit of his career, Basho was just one of several prominent haikai masters, and was far from having the largest number of followers or having formed the most influential school. 13 After his death in 1694, his disciples had varied views on writing haikai, emphasizing different aspects of the “Basho style,” and eventually formed their own followings. Within years, Basho’s school faded quickly, and his disciples and their followers used his name and legacy to form individual factions, fighting fiercely with each other to expand their local base of poetic influence…

During the first four decades of the eighteenth century, most of Basho’s first generation disciples passed away. The internal fighting became worse, and haikai lost the elegance and beauty that Basho had imparted to the form. “The ‘grandchildren disciples’ of Basho either reverted to the superficial humor of the Teitoku and Danrin schools, or else wrote verses of such utter simplicity and insignificance that they hardly merit the name of poetry.” 19

Even worse was the rise and great influence of a highly commercialized form of haikai -- tentori (point-scoring) haikai. During Buson’s day, there was a group of professional verse-markers (tenja) who mainly relied on their literary talents to make a living. Through the aid of a go-between, the verse-marker set the verse, the haikai practitioners responded to it with their verses, and then the verse-marker graded them with points (ten). The verse-marker and the go-between were paid for their service, and the practitioners got their points and competed with each other to see who earned the most points. This type of haikai has helped popularize the genre and also been highly successful in the early eighteenth century. 20

However, there were a lot of downsides to this popular trend. The verse-markers were mainly driven by commercial rather than educational goals: the more the practitioners, the greater their income. As for the practitioners who indulged themselves in this type of  haikai, “it no longer was necessary to display depth of feeling or even a knowledge of tradition provided one was clever enough to twist the seventeen syllables into an amusing comment.”  21 One of the poetic characteristics the haikai masters had advocated was to create a haikai twist, and its creation was dependent on the poet’s “skillful balancing of  the conventional meaning, i.e., the honi, of a topic with whatever new and startling insight [he/she was] able to add to it, typically creating a clash between the worlds of ga [the elegant and refined] and zoku [the mundane or commonplace].” 22 (excerpted from my essay, "Reviving Japanese Haikai through Chinese Classics: Yosa Buson and the Basho Revival," which was first published in Haijinx, 4:1, March 2011 and then reprinted in Simply Haiku, 9:1, Spring 2011)

Take Basho’s famous frog haiku below as an example:

The old pond;                               Furu ike ya
A frog jumps in --                         kawazu tobikomu
The sound of the water.                 mizu no oto

Basho added an extra layer of meaning or surprise by using a kigo, kawazu (frog), in an unusual way. With its circle of associations, kawazu provided a special pipeline to the reader, increasing the complexity and capacity of the poem. 9 For example, there are some 140 poems classified under the section titled “ponds” in Fubokusho (Selected Poems from the Land of the Rising Sun), a standard waka anthology, none of them depicts a frog. 10 More importantly, read in the context of classical Japanese poetry and the haiku poetics, kawazu is a seasonal word for spring used in poems since ancient times, and had always referred to its singing and calling out to a lover. The preface to the first imperial anthology titled Kokinshu describes “listening to the warbler singing among the blossoms and the song of the frog dwelling in the water” 11 as in the following poem:

On the upper rapids
a frog calls for his love.
Is it because,
his sleeves chilled by the evening,
he wants to share his pillow? 12

Instead of giving “the song of the frog,” Basho focused on the water sound of a diving frog. He was the first poet ever to defy the poetic essence (honi) of the frog by emphasizing the “splash” that it makes, working against what one would expect from reading classical waka or renga. 13 In juxtaposing these two seemingly incongruous worlds and languages of ga (elegance) and zoku (vulgarity), Basho humorously inverted and recast established cultural associations and conventions of the frog. In doing so, he created a comical effect: a “parody of classical poetry that refers to the frog as expressive of romantic longing.” 14 (excerpted from my essay, "The Ripples from a Splash: A Generic Analysis of Basho’s Frog Haiku," which was first published in Magnapoets, 7,January 2011 )

The tentori practitioners were less versed in waka and renga, learned little from their commercially-minded verse-markers, and thus concerned themselves with the craft of haiaki less than with writing some seemingly dazzling poems to score high points and to impress their fellow practitioners. When writing haikai, they favored the zoku over the ga to score points, failing to create a haikai twist on the honi of a topic. 23

The most obvious and harmful result of this trend was that haikai became a commodity. The verse-markers didn’t help cultivate literary taste and knowledge of haikai, but rather they focused on producing points for the haikai practitioners who showed little interest in the craft of haikai, only in accumulating the points needed to impress each other. This pitiful situation did not improve until a group of Edo poets published the anthology, Ink of Five Colors, in 1731, emphasizing the skillful use of literary devices, such as word plays and similes. 24  This publication stimulated some aspiring poets to advocate the “Back to Basho” movement that openly expressed its opposition to the prevailing tentori haikai. It took almost a decade to let the haikai revival proper begin. In 1743, the fiftieth anniversary of Basho’s death, a memorial anthology was published by his followers, firmly indicating their intention to spread his poetic ideals. Furthermore, some dedicated poets followed Basho’s journey to the north of Japan, building memorial sites along the way. 25 …Finally, the Basho Revival movement “came to the fore in the 1760s and climaxed during 1770s – 1780s… [and was] led first by Taigi (1709 – 71) and then by Buson (1716 – 83).” (excerpted from my essay, "Reviving Japanese Haikai through Chinese Classics: Yosa Buson and the Basho Revival," which was first published in Haijinx, 4:1, March 2011 and then reprinted in Simply Haiku, 9:1, Spring 2011) For more information about the movement, see Haruo Shirane, Traces of Dreams: Landscape, Cultural Memory, and the Poetry of Basho, pp. 33-7.